The death of Herbert Henry Asquith and the subsequent course of events: A timeline from April 1911

Franz Ferdinand I was crowned first Emperor of Austria, and then King of Hungary, in December 1916. His accession to the imperial throne was regarded with apprehension in Hungary. "The three cornerstones of Ferdinand's political conviction were clericalism, anti-democratic views, and anti-Hungarianism....... He advocated granting greater autonomy to ethnic groups within the Empire, and addressing their grievances, especially the Czechs in Bohemia and the South Slavic peoples in Croatia and Bosnia, who had been left out of the Austro-Hungarian compromise of 1867. Yet his feelings towards the Hungarians were less generous, often described as antipathy.......Ferdinand was a prominent and influential supporter of the Austro-Hungarian navy". (1) He proposed making Austria-Hungary a federal nation. (2)

(1) Taken from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archduke_Franz_Ferdinand_of_Austria.

(2) See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_of_Greater_Austria.
 
Franz Ferdinand I was crowned first Emperor of Austria, and then King of Hungary, in December 1916. His accession to the imperial throne was regarded with apprehension in Hungary. "The three cornerstones of Ferdinand's political conviction were clericalism, anti-democratic views, and anti-Hungarianism....... He advocated granting greater autonomy to ethnic groups within the Empire, and addressing their grievances, especially the Czechs in Bohemia and the South Slavic peoples in Croatia and Bosnia, who had been left out of the Austro-Hungarian compromise of 1867. Yet his feelings towards the Hungarians were less generous, often described as antipathy.......Ferdinand was a prominent and influential supporter of the Austro-Hungarian navy". (1) He proposed making Austria-Hungary a federal nation. (2)

(1) Taken from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archduke_Franz_Ferdinand_of_Austria.

(2) See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_of_Greater_Austria.
The problem with the list there is in order to deal with obstruction of the Hungarian magnates there would have to be considerable democratization in Hungary. FF might have to decide what he dislikes least.
 
Rupert Brooke married Cathleen Nesbitt, an English actress, in June 1915. (1) Jean Jaures, a French socialist leader, was not assassinated and was alive in 1917.

The North Roscommon by-election for the Irish House of Commons on 3 February 1917, caused by the death of James Joseph O'Kelly (Irish Nationalist), was won unopposed by George Noble Plunkett for that party. (2) In this timeline he had not joined Sinn Fein.

The Kilkenny by-election on 11 August 1917, caused by the death of Pat O'Brien (IPP), was won by John Magennis (IPP). The percentage votes for each candidate were:
John Magennis (IPP): 52.3
William Cosgrave (Sinn Fein): 47.7
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IPP majority: 4.6
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Cosgrave promised that if he were elected, he would not take his seat in the UK House of Commons. Magennis said that he would, so that the opposition parties would have enough votes to defeat the Conservative government if there were a vote of no confidence.

(1) Here is the Wikipedia entry for Nesbitt: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cathleen_Nesbitt.

(2) For Plunkett see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Noble_Plunkett.
 
In the afternoon of Tuesday 25 July 1916, the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) entered Cork City Hall where the Irish Parliament was sitting, and arrested John Joseph Clancy, the President of the Executive Council, and the following government ministers: John Boland, Education Secretary; William Field, Trade Secretary; John Patrick Hayden, Postmaster-General; Edward Kelly, Attorney-General; John Gordon Swift MacNeil, Home Affairs Secretary; and James John O'Shee, Local Government Secretary. On 27 July they were tried in Dublin Criminal Court. Clancy was sentenced to five years imprisonment, and the other men three years for belonging to an illegal organisation.

On 26 July, the Irish National Party unanimously chose the Finance Secretary, Matthew Keating, as President of the Executive Council. (1) In a government reshuffle, he moved James Patrick Farrell from Agriculture and Fisheries Secretary to Finance Secretary, Richard Hazleton from Works Secretary to Education Secretary, and Patrick Joseph Brady from Solicitor-General to Attorney-General. He also promoted Under Secretaries to Secretaries and appointed a Solicitor-General. On the same day, the Irish Parliament voted to meet in Cork Regional Technical College. (2) The Irish government offices were in University College Cork. The official Irish government in Dublin did not order the RIC to enter them because they were educational institutions. Therefore no more government ministers were arrested.

The Hornsey by-election on 6 December 1916, caused by the appointment of Lawrence Dundas as Governor of Bengal, and the Oxford by-election on 30 March 1917, caused by the elevation to the peerage of Lord Valentia who became Baron Annesley, were Liberal gains from Conservative.

On 15 November 1917, the Liberal Party in the House of Commons tabled a motion of no confidence in the Conservative government. They were joined by the Labour and Irish National parties and the All-for-Ireland League. It was debated on 20 November, and passed by 319 votes to 316 votes. The Speaker (Conservative), Chairman of Ways and Means, and Deputy Chairman of Ways and Means (both Liberals) did not vote.

The next day, the Prime Minister, Bonar Law, announced in the House of Commons, that Parliament would be dissolved on 22 November, and a general election held on Thursday 13 December 1917.

(1) See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Matthew_Keating_(politician).

(2) See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cork_Institute_of_Technology.
 
The Liberal Party election manifesto promised that a Liberal government would free political prisoners in Ireland, and restore Home Rule to that country.

In a speech in Cardiff on Saturday 1 December 1917, David Lloyd George said that a Liberal government would immediately release members of the Irish government in prison. It would convene a convention of all political parties in Ireland, Catholic and Protestant churches, business, trade unions, and other organisations in Ireland, to discuss the constitutional future of Ireland in the British Empire. It would meet in Dublin. No political party rejected this policy, the Conservatives were sceptical a convention which comprised Sinn Fein, which wanted an independent Irish republic, and the Ulster Unionists which rejected any degree of Irish Home Rule, would come to an agreement.
 
The Conservative Party election manifesto affirmed its opposition to Irish Home Rule, and promised tariffs to protect industries from foreign competition, and the restoration of the university constituencies which were abolished in 1915. In its election campaign it accused the Liberal Party of condoning criminal behaviour by its proposal to release from prison former members of the illegal Irish government. It asked to be returned to office because it had been in government for only twenty-five months, and needed more time to implement its policies.

Much of the Liberal Party manifesto was a rehash of its one for the October 1915 general election, with subsidies to local authorities for slum clearance and house building, a living wage for farm workers, and taxation of land values. Among the new policies were the following: raising of the school leaving age from 13 to 14, and the provision of free milk to school children; the establishment of an Industrial Court and Courts of Inquiry in connection with industrial disputes; the extension of the unemployment insurance scheme to more workers; and a contributory pension scheme for widows and orphans.
 
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Because of the repeal of Home Rule for Ireland, there was a redistribution of seats in Ireland, and the number of constituencies was increased from 42 to 101, and the number in the UK from 632 to 691. The Irish Labour Party, under its leader James Connolly, put up 28 candidates in the general election. They advocated dominion status for Ireland within the British Empire. If any of their candidates were elected they would take their seats in the House of Commons. They believed that the class struggle was more important than the national struggle.

There were 92 Sinn Fein candidates. That is in all Irish constituencies except in nine safe Conservative seats in the north. However if any were elected they would not sit in the House of Commons. The Conservative Party was their opponent, but their enemy was the Irish National Party, which they wanted to replace as the party of Irish nationalism. They wanted an independent Irish republic outside the British Empire. They argued vigorously that Home Rule gave only limited self government to Ireland, which would be subordinate to the British government. Also it would not be until 1920 that Home Rule would be restored because the Parliament Act 1911 gave the House of Lords the right to delay bills for two sessions of Parliament. Their leader, Arthur Griffiths, was regarded as a moderate, and it was thought he would be prepared to accept dominion status for Ireland, if necessary. Newspapers reported that Sinn Fein was getting a good deal of support from young people.
 
Although there were no opinion polls, the consensus among political commentators was that the Conservative Party would lose the general election. But it was an open question as to whether the Liberal Party would win an overall majority of seats in the House of Commons, or if they would need the support of Labour and the Irish National Party.

Polling stations were open from 8 am to 8 pm on election day, 13 December 1917. The first result to be declared was Salford South, which was a Liberal gain from Conservative. The percentage votes for each party were (October 1915 general election):
Liberal: 35.7 (35.2)
Ambrose Barlow (Conservative): 33.5 (37.2)
Labour: 30.8 (27.6)

As more results were declared, Liberals, and to a lesser extent Labour, gained seats from the Conservatives. Although the Conservatives gained some seats from Liberals and a few from Labour. When all the results were in, the number of seats in the House of Commons won by each party were as follows (1915 general election):
Liberal: 303 (231)
Conservative; 247 (including Irish Unionist:20) (319)
Labour: 60 (48)
Irish National: 49 (30)
Sinn Fein: 21 (n/a)
All-for-Ireland League: 5 (4)
Irish Labour: 5 (n/a)
Independent: 1 (0)
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Total: 691 (632)
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The number of seats in Ireland won by each party were:
Irish National: 48 (29)
Sinn Fein: 21 (n/a)
Irish Unionist: 20 (9)
All-for-Ireland League: 5 (4)
Irish Labour: 5 (n/a)
Liberal: 2 (0)
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Total: 101 (42)
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Sir Edward Grey became Prime Minister at the head of a minority Liberal government, with Labour and Irish National support.
 
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Because of the repeal of Home Rule for Ireland, there was a redistribution of seats in Ireland, and the number of constituencies was increased from 42 to 101, and the number in the UK from 632 to 691. The Irish Labour Party, under its leader James Connolly, put up 28 candidates in the general election. They advocated dominion status for Ireland within the British Empire. If any of their candidates were elected they would take their seats in the House of Commons. They believed that the class struggle was more important than the national struggle.

There were 92 Sinn Fein candidates. That is in all Irish constituencies except in nine safe Conservative seats in the north. However if any were elected they would not sit in the House of Commons. The Conservative Party was their opponent, but their enemy was the Irish National Party, which they wanted to replace as the party of Irish nationalism. They wanted an independent Irish republic outside the British Empire. They argued vigorously that Home Rule gave only limited self government to Ireland, which would be subordinate to the British government. Also it would not be until 1920 that Home Rule would be restored because the Parliament Act 1911 gave the House of Lords the right to delay bills for two sessions of Parliament. Their leader, Arthur Griffiths, was regarded as a moderate, and it was thought he would be prepared to accept dominion status for Ireland, if necessary. Newspapers reported that Sinn Fein was getting a good deal of support from young people.
If the Tories continued to be able to stop Home Rule because SF MP;s stayed in Ireland instead of coming to London it would be the biggest own goal in political history....
 
The percentage votes for each party in the general election were as follows (October 1915 general election):
Liberal: 43.1 (40.6)
Conservative and Irish Unionist: 35.8 (41.8)
Labour: 15.3 (13.4)
Irish National: 2.0 (2.9)
Sinn Fein: 1.5 (0.2)
Irish Labour: 0.7 (n/a)
All-for-Ireland-League: 0.4 (0.6)
Others: 1.2 (0.5)
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Total: 100.0 (100.0)
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Turnout: 76.0% (78.3%).

The Liberal Party won the highest number of seats in the House of Commons, and the Conservative Party the lowest number, since the January/February 1906 general election.

The Labour continued its slow advance. Its gains were more at the expense of the Conservative Party than the Liberal Party. They gained 15 seats from Conservative and 10 from Liberal, but lost 4 to Conservative and 9 to Liberal, making a net gain of 12 seats. Arthur Henderson, the leader of the Parliamentary Party, was re-elected in Barnard Castle, as were John Clynes in Manchester Platting, Ramsay MacDonald in Leicester West, and Philip Snowden in Blackburn.

Labour gains from Conservative were: Bothwell, Coatbridge and Airdrie, Durham, Edmonton, Glasgow Camlachie, Glasgow St. Rollox, Glasgow Springburn, Glasgow Tradeston, Lanarkshire North, Manchester Ardwick, Newcastle-upon-Tyne Central, Poplar Bow and Bromley (George Lansbury elected), Tottenham North, West Bromwich, West Ham Stratford. Labour gains from Liberal were: Aberavon, Clay Cross, Dumbarton Burghs, Forest of Dean, Houghton-le-Spring, Jarrow, Llanelly, Merthyr Tydfil, Seaham, Spennymoor.

Conservative gains from Labour were: Barrow-in-Furness, Clitheroe, Rotherham, Stockport (1 seat in two member constituency). The Liberals gained the following seats from Labour: Bolton (1 seat in two member constituency), Broxtowe, Consett, Dundee (1 seat in two member constituency), East Ham South, Kingswinsford, Stoke-on-Trent Hanley, Walthamstow West, Westhoughton.
 
In Ireland, the All-for-Ireland League won five seats in County Cork. The Irish Labour Party seats were County Cork South East, Dublin Harbour (James Connolly elected), Dublin St. James's, Limerick City, Wexford South. The Irish Unionist Party won twelve seats in County Antrim, including eight in Belfast, Armagh Mid, Armagh North, Down Mid, Down North, Down West, County Londonderry North, County Londonderry South, Tyrone South. The party leader, Sir Edward Carson, was elected for Belfast Duncairn. The two seats won by the Liberal Party were Londonderry City, and Tyrone North West.

Sinn Fein did well in the south and west. They won County Carlow, Clare East, Clare West, County Cork South, County Cork West, Galway Connemara, Galway East, Galway North, Galway South, Kerry East, Kerry North, Kerry South, Kerry West, Kilkenny North, County Limerick West, Mayo North, Mayo South, Mayo West, Tipperary Mid, Tipperary North. The Irish National Party won all the other constituencies in Ireland. In the nine counties of the province of Ulster they won eight seats in counties Cavan, Donegal, and Monaghan, Armagh South, Belfast Falls, Down East, Down South, Fermanagh North, Fermanagh South, and Tyrone North East. That was 20 Irish Unionist, 15 Irish National and two Liberal. In the four counties of Antrim, Armagh, Down, and Londonderry, 19 Irish Unionists, four Irish National, and one Liberal were elected.

The Sinn Fein party leader, Arthur Griffith was elected for Mayo North, Michael Collins for County Cork South, William Cosgrave for Kilkenny North, Thomas McDonagh for Tipperary North, Terence MacSwinney for County Cork West, Liam Mellows for Galway East, and Patrick Pearse for County Carlow.
 
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Bonar Law resigned and Sir Edward Grey became Prime Minister on 17 December 1917. He appointed his cabinet on 18 December, and junior ministers on 19 and 20 December. The members of the cabinet were as follows:
Prime Minister: Sir Edward Grey
Lord Chancellor: Viscount Haldane
Lord President of the Council: Earl Carrington
Lord Privy Seal and leader of the House of Commons: David Lloyd George
Chancellor of the Exchequer: Walter Runciman
Foreign Secretary: Sydney Buxton
Home Secretary: Herbert Samuel
First Lord of the Admiralty: Charles McCurdy
President Board of Agriculture and Fisheries: Earl Beauchamp
Colonial Secretary: Winston Churchill
President Board of Education: Herbert Lewis
India Secretary: Charles Hobhouse
Chief Secretary for Ireland: Francis Acland
Chancellor Duchy of Lancaster: Edwin Montagu
President Health and Local Government Board: Charles Masterman
Postmaster-General: Christopher Addison
Scotland Secretary: Harold Tennant
President Board of Trade: Reginald McKenna
War Secretary: James Ian Macpherson
First Commissioner of Works: William Wedgwood Benn.
 
I have decided to make the following changes to the list of cabinet ministers in my previous post:
India Secretary: Edwin Montagu
Chief Secretary for Ireland: Charles Hobhouse
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster: William Wedgwood Benn
First Commissioner of Works: Francis Acland.

Selected ministers outside the cabinet, and junior ministers:
Attorney-General: Sir John Simon
Solicitor-General: Sir Stanley Buckmaster
Paymaster-General: Hamar Greenwood
Financial Secretary to the Treasury: Thomas Macnamara
Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury (Government Chief Whip): J. Gulland
Under-Secretary Foreign Office: Noel Primrose
Under-Secretary Home Office: Charles Trevelyan.
 
Bit late to the party, but here is an idea: Grey's govt shake up means the Board of Trade changes its guidence on the number of lifeboats for the tonnage of ship - it was debated in 1910/11 but was not changed OTL. This change means all ships have to carry more lifeboats - perhaps not 'lifeboats for all' depending on what Walter Runciman thought of the idea, but certainly more than the tiny amount required by law OTL. Perhaps lifeboat drill is made mandatory as well? Maybe changes in wireless use?

Sure, the Olympic and and Titanic had more boats than legally required, but more boats cannot hurt, esp if drills are mandatory as well.

Would it have prevented the Titanic disaster? Maybe not, but more boats = higher chance of more people surviving. Yes, I know they barely got the boats they had off in time, but the time to get the 4 collapsibles down from that roof could have been time filling davtied boats - more people would likely have survived one thinks, and therein lies butterfiles. If Astor, Butt, the Macey's, Hays, Andrews etc had survived then their influance could be interesting, even in the UK. Any wireless changes may have seen Califorian come to the rescue just as Titanic went under, again, butterfiles.

Just a thought.
 
Bit late to the party, but here is an idea: Grey's govt shake up means the Board of Trade changes its guidence on the number of lifeboats for the tonnage of ship - it was debated in 1910/11 but was not changed OTL. This change means all ships have to carry more lifeboats - perhaps not 'lifeboats for all' depending on what Walter Runciman thought of the idea, but certainly more than the tiny amount required by law OTL. Perhaps lifeboat drill is made mandatory as well? Maybe changes in wireless use?

Sure, the Olympic and and Titanic had more boats than legally required, but more boats cannot hurt, esp if drills are mandatory as well.

Would it have prevented the Titanic disaster? Maybe not, but more boats = higher chance of more people surviving. Yes, I know they barely got the boats they had off in time, but the time to get the 4 collapsibles down from that roof could have been time filling davtied boats - more people would likely have survived one thinks, and therein lies butterfiles. If Astor, Butt, the Macey's, Hays, Andrews etc had survived then their influance could be interesting, even in the UK. Any wireless changes may have seen Califorian come to the rescue just as Titanic went under, again, butterfiles.

Just a thought.
These are good idea. In October 1911, the Board of Trade changed its guidance on the number on lifeboats carried by ships, so they had to carry more. Also lifeboat drill was made mandatory. The Titanic still sank, but more people survived, The name Astor is familiar to me, but I don't who the other people were. I don't know about contemporary wireless use.
 
On 20 December 1917, the Chief Secretary for Ireland, Charles Hobhouse, authorised the immediate release from prison of John Redmond, John Dillon and other members of the Irish government. They returned to Dublin and were greeted with great enthusiasm by hundreds of thousands of people.

In the following two days, Hobhouse, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord Wimborne; the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction, Thomas Russell; the Attorney-General and Solicitor-General in the British government in Ireland, met with Redmond, Dillon and other members of the Irish Executive Council in Dublin Castle. They agreed that there would be joint rule in Ireland, comprising the British government and the Irish government. The former would have the right to veto all the decisions of the latter. The following changes would be made to the departments of the British government in Ireland, which were under the presidency of the Chief Secretary. The Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction, the Irish Congested Districts Board, and the Local Government Board for Ireland, would be transferred to the Irish government. Also the Irish Public Works Board which was controlled by the Treasury in London. Because Russell lost his job, he was appointed Under-Secretary of State in the Irish Office.

As part of the Dublin Agreement, as it was called, the Irish Executive Council and junior Irish government ministers, members of the Irish House of Commons and Senate, were obliged to swear an oath of allegiance to King George V. The Irish Executive Council would recall their envoys to other nations. The British ministers pledged to introduce a bill in the House of Commons in the forthcoming session of Parliament to restore Home Rule for Ireland, in time for it to pass through all its stages in the Commons, and go to the House of Lords. They promised to convene an Irish convention in January 1918.

The Dublin Agreement was denounced by the Conservative Party, the Irish Unionist Party, because it was made with an illegal Irish government. It was passionately condemned by Sinn Fein as a betrayal of Ireland which continued its subordination to England. It was supported by the Irish National and Irish Labour parties, and by the Liberal and Labour parties.
 
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